Giolitti, CROSS, Scarlett 
Noi siamo convinti che il mondo, anche questo terribile, intricato mondo di oggi può essere conosciuto, interpretato, trasformato, e messo al servizio dell'uomo, del suo benessere, della sua felicità.
La lotta per questo obiettivo è una prova che può riempire degnamente una vita.»
Enrico Berlinguer **************************************** *****
Giovanni Giolitti
Son of Juvenal, a Registrar of the Court, and Henrietta Plochiù, belonging to a wealthy family of French origin, the small "Gioanin", as it was called the family after the death of his father when he still had a year, he moved to Mondovi in \u200b\u200bTurin, where the mother's four brothers lived in the house of Angennes Street (now Via Principe Amedeo). Here Giolitti grows frail and in poor health so that the mother, on the advice of his uncle takes him to some medical anni in montagna, nella Val Maira, nella casa del nonno materno.
Studia al ginnasio San Francesco da Paola di Torino (che avrebbe poi mutato il nome in liceo Gioberti). Frequenta la facoltà Giurisprudenza all'Università di Torino e si laurea a soli 19 anni.
Politico privo di un passato impegnato nel risorgimento, portatore di idee liberali moderate, entra nel governo già nel 1882 come collaboratore del Ministero di Grazia e Giustizia; dopo essere passato, con la Destra storica di Quintino Sella, al Ministero del Tesoro (dove, fra l'altro, contribuì a quell'opera tributaria volta tutta al pareggio del bilancio), diventa Ministro del Tesoro del governo di Francesco Crispi e, quindi, Ministro dell'Interno nel governo di Zanardelli, prima di giungere alla nomina di Primo ministro nel 1892.
L'ideologia politica
Come neo-presidente del Consiglio si trovò a dover affrontare, prima di tutto, l'ondata di diffuso malcontento che la politica crispina aveva provocato con l'aumento dei prezzi.
Ed è questo primo confronto con le parti sociali che evidenzia la ventata di novità che Giolitti porta nel panorama politico dei cosiddetti "anni roventi": non più repressione autoritaria, bensì accettazione delle proteste e, quindi, degli scioperi purché non violenti né politici (possibilità, fra l'altro, secondo lui ancora piuttosto remota in quanto le agitazioni nascevano from all of the economic hardships
). As he himself noted in a speech in Parliament on the dissolution, following a strike, the Genoa Chamber of Labour, are to be feared especially violent protests and disorganized, the result of natural degeneration of peaceful demonstrations suppressed by force:
"I am not afraid then ever organized forces, I fear much more disorganized because if the forces on those of the government's action can be exercised legitimately and effectively, compared to inorganic motions there can be that the use of force." Against this apparent consistency
his critics as Gaetano Salvemini rushed as it pointed out that in Southern Italy strikes were systematically repressed. The intellectual
southern Giolitti called a "minister of the underworld" just because of his carelessness with regard to the social problems of the South, [2] which would result in an extension of the phenomenon of the Camorra and mafia-like patronage.
Giolitti can be called a liberal or a conservative liberal enlightened, could fit, trying to master it, the diverse reality of Italian politics.
He said his job was like a tailor than having to pack a suit for a hunchback to do the hump even through her dress.
So he was convinced of having to run a country "Hunchback" was not going to "straighten out" but realistically govern for what it was.
His attention turned to the Socialist Party, to turn an opponent in support of institutions and at the same time broaden the foundations of the state, and to Catholics who wanted to return to the political system. After the unfortunate events that had characterized the last government and that of Pelloux Crispi, Giolitti was convinced that if the liberal state had wanted to survive, had to take into account the new emerging classes.
In "Memories of my life," he walks the same path of his great predecessor Cavour and he almost repeated expressions. As Cavour
argued, following the British liberal model, which must be realized timely reforms to prevent social unrest ("Humanity is directed toward two goals, one political, the other economic.
political order, it tends to change their institutions in order to call a growing number of citizens participation in political power.
economic order, it is apparently intended to improve the lower classes, and a better allocation of the land and capital) in the same manner seemed to say Giolitti
"I considered that after failure of the reactionary policy, we are beginning a new era ...
The upward movement of the working class is increasingly accelerated motion and it was invincible perché comune a tutti i paesi civili e perché poggiava sui principi dell'eguaglianza tra gli uomini.
Solo con una [diversa] condotta da parte dei partiti costituzionali verso le classi popolari si sarebbe ottenuto che l'avvento di queste classi, invece di essere come un turbine distruttore, riuscisse ad introdurre nelle istituzioni una nuova forza conservatrice e ad aumentare grandezza e prosperità alla nazione.» (dalle Memorie della mia vita di G. Giolitti).
È innegabile la tendenza, sfondo di tutta la sua attività politica, di spingere il parlamento ad occuparsi dei conflitti sociali al fine di comporli tramite opportune leggi.
Per Giolitti, infatti, le classi lavoratrici non vanno considerate the same way as a mere opposition to the state - as was the case until then - but they must recognize the legitimacy of legal and business.
task of the state then is to act as a neutral mediator between the parties since it is the minorities especially the multitude of those workers harassed by the tax law to the poverty and the excessive power of employers in the industry.
One aspect of his attention to the working classes can also be seen as the innovation of the payment of compensation to parliamentarians who hitherto had carried out their functions free of charge.
This would allow, at least theoretically, greater participation of the poor the office of representative of the people.
Age Giolitti. The beginning of the adventure
Giolitti as prime minister coincided with essentially the first real defeat of the government Crispi, outvoted in February 1891 on a bill to tax increases. After
Crispi, and after a brief period (February 6, 1891 - May 15, 1892) during which the country was entrusted to the liberal-conservative government of the Marquis of Rudin, May 15, 1892 he was appointed Prime Minister Giovanni Giolitti, then still part Group Crispin.
was forced to resign after just over a year, December 15, 1893, embarrassed by the scandal of the Banca Romana and disliked by the big industrialists and landowners for its refusal to suppress the protests by force that crossed the country extensively and rumors about a possible introduction of a progressive income tax. After the banking scandal
Giolitti had no government positions for the next seven years, during which the main figure in Italian politics continued to be Francesco Crispi, who led an aggressive foreign policy and colonialism. A number of governments succeeded Crispi characterized by considerable harshness in suppressing popular protests and strikes, Giolitti became more and more the embodiment of an opposite policy, and February 4, 1901 a speech to the House contributed to the downfall of government then in office, the Government Saracco, responsible for ordering the dissolution of the Chamber of Labour of Genoa.
early as Zanardelli Government (February 15, 1901 - November 3, 1903), Giolitti had a remarkable influence that went beyond that which is proper to the office of Minister of Interior, in part because of the advance age of the chairman of the board.
II Giolitti government
The November 3, 1903 Giolitti returned to the government, but this time he decided for a radical change: he opposed, as before, the reactionary wave of the century, but he did not from the ranks of the Left and more Crispin group as had hitherto done; taken action to convince against the Socialist Party to involve the government, referring directly to a "mentor" socialist, Filippo Turati, who wanted even as his minister (Turati, however, declined in response to pressure from the current ceiling of PSI).
In this context, the rules were enacted to protect the work (in particular children and women), about old age, on the invalidity and accidents, the prefects were required to use greater tolerance of strikes apolitical, in invitations 'contract were allowed Catholic and socialist cooperatives. It was also launched the nationalization of the railways is promoted economic development through stability monetaria ed i lavori pubblici (ad esempio il traforo del Sempione).
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BENEDETTO CROCE.
Nacque a Pescasseroli, in Abruzzo, da un'agiata famiglia abruzzese trapiantatasi a Napoli e crebbe in un ambiente profondamente cattolico. Ancora adolescente, però, si distaccò dal cattolicesimo e per tutta la vita non si riaccostò più alla religiosità tradizionale. Perse i genitori, Pasquale e Luisa Sipari, e la sorella Maria durante il terremoto di Casamicciola del 28 luglio 1883 mentre vi si trovava in vacanza con la famiglia, nell'isola di Ischia. In seguito a questo episodio fu affidato alla tutela dello zio Silvio Spaventa, fratello del filosofo Bertrando Spaventa, nella cui casa romana visse fino alla maggiore età.
Croce ebbe contatti con gli esponenti della Nuova Italia, tra cui Labriola che lo inizierà al marxismo e alla filosofia idealistica classica tedesca. Nel gennaio del 1903 esce il primo numero della sua rivista La critica, stampata a sue spese fino al 1906, allorché subentra l'editore Laterza.
Viene nominato senatore nel 1910 e dal 1920 al 1921 è ministro della Pubblica Istruzione nel 5° e ultimo governo Giolitti. Rompe definitivamente col fascismo, dopo il delitto Matteotti.
Nello stesso anno rompe anche con Giovanni Gentile, il quale già dal 1903 collaborava magazine with his "criticism" for philosophical and political differences.
Gentile, with the publication of the Manifesto of the Fascist intellectuals in 1925, sided definitively towards fascism and Cross responds, releasing itself on the world, the Manifesto of the Anti-Fascist Intellectuals in which it is alleged violence and suppression freedom of the press by the regime.
After a brief supporting the anti-fascist National Alliance Movement (1930), then moves away from political life [1], is continuing to freely express his political views, without the challenge from the fascist regime. In fact fascism
considered an opponent Cross little frightening, as he was a supporter of Fascism defined as a "moral disease" inevitably overtaken by the progress of history. In addition, the reputation of the Cross at the European public, protecting it from action by the oppressive regime.
In 1938, the system launches the anti-Semitic legislation.
The government sends to all university professors to fill out a questionnaire for classifying "racial".
All respondents respond. The only intellectual jew who refuses to complete the questionnaire was cross.
The philosopher, instead of returning the completed form, sent a letter to the president of the Institute of Sciences, where he wrote sarcastically:
"Dear colleague, I get here today that I had to postpone the questionnaire before 20. In any case, I would not have filled up, preferring to exclude me as supposed jew. It makes sense to ask a man who has sixty years of literary activity and participated in the political life of his country, where and when it is born, and the like? "
After the fall of the Cross is part of politics, accepting the appointment as Chairman of the Liberal Party. During the resistance tries to mediate between the various anti-Fascist parties. In 1944 he was Minister without portfolio in the second Badoglio government. Immediately after the liberation of Rome (June 1944) became part of the second government Bonomi, always as a minister without portfolio but resigned a few months later, on July 27. Referendum on form of government (2 June 1946) votes for the Republic and left the Liberal Party, which is instead in favor of monarchy. He was elected to the Constituent Assembly. Also founded in 1946 in Naples, the Italian Institute for Historical Studies earmarked for the home he owned an apartment next to his house and library in the Palace Filomarino.
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Carlo Rossella
LIBERALISM THE SOCIALIST E IL PENSIERO ECONOMICO
Il liberalismo socialista
Quale fosse, d'altronde, l’idea centrale di Rosselli nel ‘23 e nel ‘24 è ampiamente testimoniato dai suoi scritti sul “Liberalismo socialista” e dall’analisi sul movimento operaio inglese.
Carlo Rosselli, su suggerimento di Alessandro Levi, inviò un articolo a “Critica Sociale”, pubblicato nel numero 1– 15 luglio 1923 con il titolo “Liberalismo socialista”. Il suo punto di partenza era molto chiaro: Per molti sa ormai di vecchio l’affermazione essere il socialismo il logico sviluppo del liberalismo, i socialisti gli eredi legittimi e necessari di quella funzione liberale che spettò nel secolo past the patriots of the Risorgimento.
about "social liberalism," stated Rosselli: At least until last October (date of birth of the Unitarian Party) in Italy has never existed, since 1900 a socialist party that could truly be called liberal and democratic as the board members clinging to the letter of Marxism, it was not possible that there is a party and a social practice with liberal method
.
Rosselli This article drew on the writing of Alexander Levi, "Liberalism as a state of mind", which drew a distinction between liberalism as a system, tied to a specific economic situation - Social and liberalism as a method of thought and action, such as mood. Rosselli for liberalism as the method can not be the monopoly of this or that group, because it signifies a respect for certain fundamental rules of the game, which are the basis of modern civilization and can be summarized in the representative system, in recognition of a right opposition and rejection of violent means of opposition. In his short article
Rosselli pointed to the example of the Labour Party: Is there a country in the world (England) a Socialist Labour Party which is preparing to seize power with the method and liberal spirit, willing now to recognize the day does not out of his triumph, the legal right to existence of one or more objections.
It concluded: All of the fortunes of the proletarian movement and all its possible troubles revolve around a central point: the struggle for freedom, against which every other question, it appears very miserable thing.
Carlo Rosselli's confidence in the British Labour was shared by other young people like Nino Levi, Alessandro Schiavi, Enrico Sereni, Piero Sraffa and, most Fabians. This explains why the leadership of the Socialist Unity Party decided to make room for the intentions of the young liberals who look to the "Labour Party", founded the new youth magazine "Freedom", to which he was invited to collaborate Carlo Rosselli.
On January 1, 1924 came the first issue of "freedom", fortnightly of Socialist Youth, which had as its subtitle the phrase of Marx and Engels, the bourgeois society with its classes and its class antagonisms, will take over association in which the free development of each is the condition for the free development of all. Most likely they were just
Treves, Mondolfo and Levi to ask Carlo Rosselli to write for the new journal article on "The Labour party in England," which came out in number three in the Feb. 1, 1924. Rosselli insisted: The Labour Party, on the basis of its elements can be defined as a federation of business groups and political groups. Federations and associations is actually the political organization of the labor movement's oldest and powerful in the world. In this long article
Rosselli trace a brief history of the British labor movement since 1825, but his attention is directed to the "Labour Party": The truth is that Labour have left the organization in so large a liberal spirit, such a autonomy, such a large freedom of criticism. This has been helped greatly throughout the English tend to see only practical and well-defined problems. Marxism in England, like every other ideology priori, has never taken root.
Historical materialism, understood as a vulgar economic determinism, is clearly rejected. The class struggle is no doubt actively practiced by the British organizations, but it is generally rejected in theoretical and policy by socialist societies.
because they always claimed in the halo of the proletariat organized all over the world of work, so have always declared its intention to govern in the name and on behalf of the whole country with a democratic - liberal. This would have won wide sympathy in the middle classes
.
For the first time in the history of Europe, we see the magnificent and peaceful ascension to power of the working class. Example and warning time for a continental socialist parties, which demonstrates the ability under certain conditions of education and the environment, a socialist movement that comes to power through the method liberal - democratic.
This article confirms that the political model of English at the beginning of 1924 is clear in the minds of the young Rosselli, who continues to hope that this model can be adapted to Italy.
Rosselli, in another article on "Social Criticism" of 15 to 31 May 1924, "Luigi Einaudi and the labor movement," writes a review on Einaudi Charles sees in him nobly embodied the tragedy of Italian liberalism that time could settle the premise of the classical school of economics with the awakening of the proletarian classes, and now has great skepticism in the world under construction worker, just as it tends to change and overthrow the economic and moral foundations of society today.
Einaudi argues that the motion is necessary to distinguish workers from socialism, but in reality there is a definite correlation between the fact and the fact that political union, in fact every healthy labor movement is accompanied by a socialist political movement.
This passage confirms that even in the economic field - the union sought feedback Rosselli England as a model of civil society.
Rosselli uses the dichotomy of system and method, proposed by Alessandro Levi, to distinguish between liberalism and liberalism as a system as a method, and to apply this distinction to Italy;
Italian liberals want liberalism as a system which is summarized in the formula: capitalist system and bourgeois. We must instead focus on the liberal method, which has as its fundamental premise that the freedom of more persuasion is the best way to reach the truth. The method is intended as a set of rules that are based della vita dei popoli a civiltà europea e che tutte le parti in lotta s’impegnano di rispettare in quanto servono ad assicurare la pacifica convivenza dei cittadini e delle classi.
Poiché l’interesse economico di un paese non può prescindere da un’intesa tra imprenditori e lavoratori, l’associazione dei primi dovrebbe portare all’unificazione sindacale dei lavoratori; la conseguenza sarebbe la formazione di un partito del lavoro, che agisca con metodo liberale nell’ambito di un ordinamento rappresentativo di tipo bipolare con maggioranza al governo e minoranza all’opposizione. In quest’ipotesi, lo sguardo è sempre rivolto all’Inghilterra.
Il 25 marzo 1924 era uscito sul giornale "Freedom" Rosselli an article entitled "The labor movement." Rosselli recognizes that the labor movement's oldest and powerful in the world is going through a crisis, but for him this is a crisis due to transient factors, where the deepest crisis that gnaws at the giant British trade union is the inability to engage in the economic field.
By far the most original among theorists is gildismo GDH Cole, for which the worker problem is no problem of conscience, dignity, freedom, in fact, the workers no longer satisfied with the simple economic improvement, which means the end not reached with the Trade Union expands, moves; want to become active sharers in the life of the company. For guilds
Rosselli, elementary economic units, are deeply imbued with the British Unionist world, which provides for the gradual transformation of the state, made by the unions of the Trade Unions, in order to achieve the emancipation of the working class and put an end to the Committee of 'Affairs of the ruling class. The problem
worker remains a political problem in the sense that the trade union movement can lead to vast beaches, if you ally with the party itself or creates its political body.
In number 10 of "Freedom" on May 15, 1924, is the article "Survey on young people (war and fascism)" signed Carlo Rosselli, in which the intellectual anti-fascist struggles to understand the attitude of young adherents to fascism.
It 's a sad article in a thoughtful, but a strong moral conscience: When we see them pass into the tumultuous demonstrations or marches in the military ordered, - says Rosselli - if they have given to speak with them, we feel that we differ in some element. And there seems to be almost a bit 'strangers in this land, as part of a different civilization.
Our view of life is radically different.
Our ideals of goodness, brotherhood, justice, lead them in the rice, mockery. Why all this?
Rosselli points out that in this investigation does not want to mention that a single factor, the war, to explain the accession of the young people to Fascism: The greater part of those young people, who today is certainly more vital to the lifeblood of fascism, not saw the horrors of war.
The article ends with an act of hope in the name of their political faith, because socialism is immanent in things, in the heart of man.
E 'to say that the number of "Justice", the newspaper of Socialist Unity Party of 21 May 1924, was included a review of Carlo Rosselli, entitled "Marxist Review", volume Antonio Graziadei "Price and premium capitalist economy." Review
rather controversy began: A political movement in which young people dogmatically accept the position of their major intellectual, a political movement in which young people do not feel the overwhelming need to explore and develop personally, is a movement that starts at decline. The article promised
Piero Gobetti appears in Turin in July 1924 in the journal, entitled
" social liberalism."
Taking his cue from some articles Papafava Novello and a panel discussion on "The liberalism of the masses," Rosselli says that when dealing with liberalism should be distinguished between the system (which defends private property, free) and the method that today is the concrete principle of popular sovereignty, in the representative system, in the affirmation of certain fundamental rights acquired inalienable to modern consciousness. Currently
says Rosselli, Italian liberals show no more understand the true spirit of liberalism that is in the method, the panorama of Italian liberalism does not give hope.
He's right when he says that Missiroli thus performing a function in the history of liberal parties extreme, those in the extreme, deny all or part of the current social order.: In fact, by denying any relationship between liberalism and claiming the masses as the first capital of elites, we declare the failure of liberal ideology: some more of the minority - the minority want to talk about history as the proletariat than the bourgeoisie - it is proposed to affirm life in the new social forces for the first step on and ignored? What greater role
liberal, liberating, than that which is concrete in the movement of trade unions, cooperatives, political parties that briefly called socialism? Then, are the minority groups still weak, needy for physiological reasons ed'autonomia atmosphere of freedom that guarantees their right to development, the true liberal forces. The story for this thesis.
On the other hand, according to Rosselli, even socialism is an ideal that is continually renewed contact with the reality that historical experience has condemned the primitive programs hopeless socialist collectivism, socialism, centralized state. All
- Rosselli points out - see the huge dangers of bureaucracy and government intrusiveness, the crushing of individual freedom. Only one can broadly define the goal, even a half a step. It should be adapting to the circumstances and particularly to a dizzying world that is constantly transforming.
com'esigenza ruling may be emphasized the capture of a relative economic autonomy and immediately after the conquest of moral goods, spiritual autonomy.
In general it should and could be a guide to the socialist ideal of autonomy and freedom. It must proceed from the bottom up. Socialism in all its aspects has to be the result of conquest, autoconquista nay, must be an independent creation of the working classes.
Just on the basis of similar assumptions, Rosselli feels to be regarded as a liberal socialist, and concludes that it is a kind of manifesto with a passionate anti-dogmatic statement of faith: I do not believe the demonstration of scientific socialism, I do not think they have the truth absolutely, I do not pretend to have pocketed the key the future. A socialist to a set of principles of experience, the belief is the study of the evolution of the environment in which I live, a socialist culture, as a reaction, but also out of faith and feeling. I do not believe that socialism will be the working class and that will establish itself in the history of the fatal evolution of things, apart from human will. Who do I talk about language Codest replied with Sorel, and here are all my voluntarism: "Socialism is but it might not be."
The dense essay marks a milestone in the evolution of political thought Rosselli.
At this point, however, one wonders what meaning have at that moment in history the socialist liberalism
Rosselli and especially to which tradition can be traced. The references are more immediate, "Liberalism as a state of mind" by Alessandro Levi and a series of articles Papafava Novello appeared from May to August 1923 on "liberal revolution". Beyond the suggestions
closer, the origins of belief ross must be traced from one side to the "Unit" salveminiana, the other to the writings of Piero Gobetti and Guido De Ruggiero millsiana and tradition of British socialism, the Fabiani and gildisti.
This heterogeneous influences that the young assimilates in misura in cui corrispondono alle sue aspirazioni di un socialismo etico e volontaristico. Negli articoli e nei libri di quegli autori, Carlo cercava una sintesi ideale tra i suoi principi liberali ed il movimento operaio e socialista, una formula nuova che sostituisse non solo l’interpretazione positivista del marxismo fatta propria da Turati e da Treves ma anche le revisioni idealistiche di Marx.
Ora c’è da chiedersi fino a che punto, ed in quale misura, quella posizione fosse calata nella realtà politica, riflettesse esigenze capaci di influire sulla situazione.
Secondo Nicola Tranfaglia, l’analisi rosselliana sul liberalismo socialista non era frutto soltanto di una combinazione intellettualistica, ma rispondeva ad un’esigenza autentica di quel momento: che era quella di porre ai socialisti italiani il problema storico della democrazia. Ma la debolezza dell’elaborazione di Rosselli stava nella sua convinzione che quel problema potesse essere risolto facendo ricorso al pensiero neo liberale dei Missiroli o dei De Ruggiero oppure all’apporto, del tutto estraneo alle necessità storiche dell’Italia, del socialismo etico britannico. Partito insomma dalla premessa corretta di porre al centro della sua analisi il metodo liberale, Rosselli non riuscì a fare di quell’elemento la base per un discorso che andasse oltre il liberalismo etico e ponesse i presupposti di una democrazia socialista di tipo nuovo.
